John Greenleaf Whittier.
Addressed to the Liberty Party Convention at New Bedford in September, 1843.
This Document is on The Quaker Writings Home Page.
I am with the Liberty Party because it is the only party in the country which is striving openly and
honestly to reduce to practice the great truths which lie at the foundation of our republic: all men
created equal, endowed with rights inalienable; the security of these rights the only just object of
government ;the right of the people to alter or modify government nntil this great object is
attained. Precious and glorious truths! Sacred in the sight of their Divine Author, grateful and
beneficent to s uffering humanity, essential elements of that ultimate and universal government of
which God is laying the strong and wide foundations, turning and overturning, until He whose
right it is shall rule. The voice which calls upon us to sustain them is the v oice of God. In the
eloquent language of the lamented Myron Holley, the man who first lifted up the standard of the
Liberty Party: "He calls upon us to sustain these truths in the recorded voice of the holy of ancient
times. He calls us to sustain them i n the sound as of many waters and mighty thunderings rising
from the fields of Europe, converted into one vast Aceldama by the exertions of despots to
suppress them; in the persuasive history of the best thoughts and boldest deeds of all our brave,
self- sacrificing ancestors; in the tender, heart-reaching whispers of our children, preparing to
suffer or enjoy the future, as we leave it for them; in the broken and disordered but moving
accents of half our race yet groping in darkness and galled by the c hains of bondage. He calls
upon us to sustain them by the solemn and considerate use of all the powers with which He has
invested us." In a time of almost universal political scepticism, in the midst of a pervading and
growing unbelief in the great print iples enunciated in the revolutionary declaration, the Liberty
Party has dared to avow its belief in these truths, and to carry them into action as far as it has the
power. It is a protest against the political infidelity of the day, a recurrence to firs t principles, a
summons once more to that deserted altar upon which our fathers laid their offerings.
It may be asked why it is that a party resting upon such broad principles is directing its exclusive
exertions against slavery. "Are there not other great interests?" ask all manner of Whig and
Democrat editors and politicians. "Consider, for instance," say the Democrats, "the mighty
question which is agitating us, whether a 'Northern man with Southern principles' or a Southern
man with the principles of a Nero or Caligula shall be President." "Or look at us," say the Whigs,
"deprived of our inalienabl e right to office by this Tyler- Calhoun administration." And bethink
you, gentlemen, how could your Liberty Party do better than to vote with us for a man who, if he
does hold some threescore of slaves, and maintain that 'two hundred years of legislatio n has
sanctioned and sanctified negro slavery,' is, at the same time, the champion of Greek liberty, and
Polish liberty, and South American liberty, and, in short, of all sorts of liberties, save liberty at
home."
Yes, friends, we have considered all this, and more, namely, that one sixth part of our entire
population are slaves, and that you, with your subtreasuries and national banks, propose no relief
for them. Nay, farther, it is because both of you, when in p ower, have used your authority to
rivet closer the chains of unhappy millions, that we have been compelled to abandon you, and
form a Liberty Party having for its first object the breaking of these chains.
What is slavery ? For upon the answer to this question must the Liberty Party depend for its
justification.
The slave laws of the South tell us that it is the conversion of men into articles of property; the
transformation of sentient immortal beings into "chattels personal." The principle of a recipiocity
of benefits, which to some extent characterizes all ot her relations, does not exist in that of master
and slave. The master holds the plough which turns the soil of his plantation, the horse which
draws it, and the slave who guides it by one and the same tenure. The profit of the master is the
great end of the slave's existence. For this end he is fed, clothed, and prescribed for in sickness.
He learns nothing, acquires nothing, for himself. He cannot use his own body for his own benefit.
His very personality is destroyed. He is a mere instrument, a means in the hands of another for
the accomplishment of an end in which his own interests are not regarded, a machine moved not
by his own will, but by another's. In him the awful distinction between a person and a thing is
annihilated: he is thrust down from the place which God and Nature assigned him, from the equal
companionship of rational intelligences, --a man herded with beasts, an immortal nature classed
with the wares of the merchant!
The relations of parent and child, master and apprentice, government and subject, are based upon
the principle of benevolence, reciprocal benefits, and the wants of human society; relations which
sacredly respect the rights and legacies which God has giv en to all His rational creatures. But
slavery exists only by annihilating or monopolizing these rights and legacies. In every other
modification of society, man's personal ownership remains secure. He may be oppressed, deprived
of privileges, loaded with burdens, hemmed about with legal disabilities, his liberties restrained.
But, through all, the right to his own body and soul remains inviolate. He retains his inherent,
original possession of himself. Even crime cannot forfeit it, for that law which de stroys his
personallty makes void its own claims upon him as a moral agent; and the power to punish ceases
with the accountability of the criminal. He may suffer and die under the penalties of the law, but
he suffers as a man, he perishes as a man, and n ot as a thing. To the last moments of his existence
the rights of a moral agent are his; they go with him to the grave; they constitute the ground of his
accountability at the bar of infinite justice, --rights fixed, eternal, inseparable; attributes of a ll
rational intelligence in time and eternity; the same in essence, and differing in degree only, with
those of the highest moral being, of God himself.
Slavery alone lays its grasp upon the right of personal ownership, that foundation right, the
removal of which uncreates the man; a right which God himself could not take away without
absolving the being thus deprived of all moral aecountability; and so far as that being is
concerned, making sin and holiness, crime and virtue, words without significance, and the
promises and sanctions of revelation, dreams. Hence, the crowning horror of slavery, that which
lifts it above all other iniquities, is not tha t it usurps the prerogatives of Deity, but that it attempts
that which even He who has said, "All souls are mine," cannot do, without breaking up the
foundations of His moral government. Slavery is, in fact, a struggle with the Almighty for
dominion over His rational creatures. It is leagued with the powers of darkness, in wresting man
from his Maker. It is blasphemy lifting brazen brow and violent hand to heaven, attempting a
reversal of God's laws. Man claiming the right to uncreate his brother; to un do that last and most
glorious work, which God himself pronounced good, amidst the rejoicing hosts of heaven ! Man
arrogating to himself the right to change, for his own selfish purposes, the beautiful order of
created existences; to pluck the crown of a n immortal nature, scarce lower than that of angels,
from the brow of his brother; to erase the God-like image and superscription stamped upon him
by the hand of his Creator, and to write on the despoiled and desecrated tablet, "A chattel
personal."
This, then, is slavery. Nature, with her thousand voices, cries out against it. Against it, divine
revelation launches its thunders. The voice of God condemns it in the deep places of the human
heart. The woes and wrongs unutterable which attend this dre adful violation of natural justice,
the stripes, the tortures, the sunderings of kindred, the desolation of human affections, the
unchastity and lust, the toil uncompensated, the abrogated marriage, the legalized heathenism, the
burial of the mind, are b ut the mere incidentals of the first grand outrage, that seizure of the
entire man, nerve, sinew, and spirit, which robs him of his body, and God of his soul. These are
but the natural results and outward demonstrations of slavery, the crystallizations f rom the chattel
principle.
It is against this system, in its active operation upon three millions of our countrymen, that the
Liberty Party is, for the present, directing all its efforts. With such an object well may we be "men
of one idea." Nor do we neglect "other great interest s," for all are colored and controlled by
slavery, and the removal of this disastrous influence would most effectually benefit them.
Political action is the result and immediate object of moral suasion on this subject. Action, action,
is the spirit's means of progress, its sole test of rectitude, its only source of happiness. And should
not decided action follow our deep convictions o f the wrong of slavely ? Shall we denounce the
slave-holders of the states, while we retain our slavery in the District of Columbia? Shall we pray
that the God of the oppressed will turn the hearts of "the rulers" in South Carolina, while we, the
rulers of the District, refuse to open the prisons and break up the slave-markets on its ten miles
square ? God keep us from such hypocrisy! Everybody now professes to be opposed to slavery.
The leaders of the two great political parties are grievously concerne d lest the purity of the
antislavery enterprise will suffer in its connection with politics. In the midst of grossest
pro-slavery action, they are full of anti-slavery sentiment. They love the cause, but, on the whole,
think it too good for this world. T hey would keep it sublimated, aloft, out of vulgar reach or use
altogether, intangible as Magellan's clouds. Everybody will join us in denouncing slavery, in the
abstract; not a faithless priest nor politician will oppose us; abandon action, and forsooth we can
have an abo-lition millennium; the wolf shall lie down with the lamb, while slavery in practice
clanks, in derision, its three millions of unbroken chains. Our opponents have no fear of the
harmless spectre of an abstract idea. They dread it only when it puts on the flesh and sinews of a
practical reality, and lifts its right arm in the strength which God giveth to do as well as theorize.
As honest men, then, we must needs act; let us do so as becomes men engaged in a great and
solemn cause. Not by processions and idle parades and spasmodic enthusiasms, by shallow tricks
and shows and artifices, can a cause like ours be carried onward. Le ave these to parties
contending for office, as the "spoils of victory." We need no disguises, nor false pretences, nor
subterfuges; enough for us to present before our fellow-country men the holy truths of freedom,
in their unadorned and native beauty. D ark as the present may seem, let us remember with hearty
confidence that truth. and right are destined to triumph. Let us blot out the word
"discouragement" from the anti-slavery vocabulary. Let the enemies of freedom be discouraged;
let the advocates of oppression despair; but let those who grapple with wrong and falsehood, in
the name of God and in the power of His truth, take courage. Slavery must die. The Lord hath
spoken it. The vials of His hot displeasure, like those which chastised the nations i n the
Apocalyptic vision, are smoking even now, above its "habitations of cruelty." It can no longer be
borne with by Heaven. Universal humanity cries out against it. Let us work, then, to hasten its
downfall, doing whatsoever our hands find to do "with all our might."
October, 1843.